Is South Africa’s Commitment to LGBT Rights Only for Domestic Consumption?
With the majority of sub-Saharan Africa being openly
homophobic, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) rights are found to
be far more limited in the region than in anywhere else in the world. In the
recent past, African countries have proposed and passed legislations condemning
gay marriage and gay sexual activity, with 38 out of the 55 African states
criminalising homosexuality. Meanwhile, South Africa stands out from its
neighbours as a paradox of the tremendous homophobia, placing itself as not
only a continental, but as a world leader in protecting gay rights.
Despite the overwhelming restriction of LGBT rights
supported by the majority of governments in the region, one country has shown
signs of progress; South Africa. Following a very diverse and complicated history
regarding gay rights, we question how serious the South African government is
about defending the rights of LGBT individuals? South Africa’s post-apartheid
constitution, famously signed by Nelson Mandela in December 1996, provides the
most comprehensive protection of individual rights in the world, being the
first ever constitution to outlaw discrimination based on sexual orientation.
It’s most significant progress to date was the legalisation of same-sex civil marriage,
with Parliament voting 230:41 in November 2006, showing exemplary changes.
Further progress in the country will see a new gay rights political party
(Equal Rights party) to stand in this year’s South African elections against
the discrimination and persecution of gay and lesbian people in the country,
defending their rights against violent incidents such corrective rape and
torture.
Despite the inspiring progress when comparing with other
nations in the region, South African victims say that the country offers little
protection unless the authorities enforce its provisions. Pretoria has had
difficulty translating its historical records into foreign policy. At the start
of the year, campaigners warned that corrective rape attacks against men had
increased. Furthermore, under the Mbeki administration, in 2008, South Africa’s
ambassador to the United Nations (UN), Jerry Matjila, failed to support a
resolution sponsored by France in the Security Council in New York, calling for
the protection of gay people against violence, because the country didn’t want
to offend the governments of its African neighbours. Additionally, in 2010, President
Zuma appointed famously homophobic Jon Qwelane, who compares same-sex
relationships to bestiality, calling for the removal of gays’ constitutional
rights, as Ambassador to Uganda. This did not enhance South Africa’s gay
friendly image following the not-so-compassionate vibes at the UN Security
Council. Further South African oppositions to gay rights took place under the
Zuma administration in the UN Human Rights Council in 2010, claiming that
protection against sexual orientation discrimination would demean and dilute
protection against racial discrimination; a mean-spirited claim that the South
African ambassador soon took back, campaigning a year later for the UN Human
Rights Council to adopt an unprecedented resolution expressing concern about
discrimination and violence against sexual orientation.
Whilst Matjila managed to balance out the situation, taking
South Africa’s anti-gay right views out of the spotlight, the issue has made the
headlines again with the recent wave of official and thus open homophobia that
recently flooded the region, stressed by Nigeria, Uganda and Liberia who
adopted harsher laws, increasing penalties for LGBT individuals a few months
ago. Taking penalties to a new level, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni signed
into law sentences for not only gays but also anyone who does not expose gays
as well as life sentences for what was labelled a ‘repeat offender’. This
outrage put pressure on the South African government, forcing it to take a
stand on the situation. Dilemma. Although South Africa tacitly criticised
Uganda’s action, its stance on the matter did not seem genuine especially after
the African National Congress (ANC) fiercely opposed to the Democratic Alliance’s
(DA) attempts to introduce a motion in parliament condemning Uganda’s new law.
Its geographic position puts South Africa in a delicate
place. Although foreign policy should ultimately reflect domestic policy,
Pretoria must be careful to uphold its relations with other nations of the
continent, especially with Uganda, which is considered a key ally.
With such a recent, homophobic history, a
President who appoints an outspoken homophobe, guilty of hate speech, to his
diplomacy staff in Uganda, a governing political party that refuses to condemn
Uganda’s homophobic law, and an increase in corrective rape in South African
townships, there seems to be a large gap between the inspiring leading role
played by South Africa with regards to LGBT rights and the reality of the
persisting homophobia that still lingers in the country. Yes, it has made
incredible progress on paper and domestically, which should be used as an
example to its neighbours, but the latter weaknesses with regards to Uganda show
that unless authorities apply the values inherent in their constitution on an
international level, South Africa’s credibility with respect to its
gay-friendly laws will rapidly diminish.
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